From fetchers to decision-makers: exploring the gender dynamics of water access and governance in resource-poor communities of Mbala, Zambia

Access to clean and safe water is now a human right pronounced by the United Nations General Assembly (United Nations, 2015). This development is critical to women and girls as they are the most engaged in collecting water for home consumption. For instance, 90% of women and girls in South Sudan, 84% in Mozambique and Malawi, 75% in Ethiopia, 72% in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), and 69% in Zambia bear the burden of water fetching (World Bank 2024). These statistics highlight a deeply rooted and unaddressed inequality in the distribution of domestic water-fetching labour.

As part of Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 6, access to water is necessary for human development, particularly for women and girls, and for making progress toward SDG 5 ‘Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls.’ Since prevalent social norms, especially in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), assign most water collection work for domestic purposes to women and girls, they trek quite a distance early in the morning, spending over 30 min, to get water for their homes (Venkataramanan et al. 2020). The task of fetching water is, therefore, demanding, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa where people on average spend half an hour on each water-fetching trip (UNICEF & WHO 2017), and this affects their health, access to economic opportunities (Libanda et al. 2024), and education (Belay 2020).

Water scarcity affects women more severely due to their specific hygiene and health needs, particularly during menstruation and childbirth, which require access to clean water for maintaining proper hygiene. In areas where water is scarce, women may not have enough clean water for essential tasks like washing their bodies, cleaning menstrual products, or ensuring safe conditions during childbirth. This lack of access to clean water forces many women and girls to resort to unhygienic practices during menstruation, such as using improvised materials like dirty cloth, cow dung or leaves, which can increase the risk of infections (Talukdar et al. 2023). Furthermore, using unsafe water for washing their menstrual garments or failing to clean them adequately leads to infections and health complications. Concerning childbirth, water scarcity often leads to compromised postnatal care for both the mother and newborn. This hinders proper bathing, washing, cleaning of wounds, and episiotomies (Woldegeorgis et al. 2022).

During these critical times, women often prioritize water collection over seeking medical care for themselves or their families, leading to delays in treatment and exacerbation of health issues (Nagabhatla et al. 2020; Venkataramanan et al. 2020; Adams et al. 2021). Furthermore, women may have to make difficult decisions about how to use the limited water they have. Considering that women and girls across much of rural Sub-Saharan Africa are often responsible for food preparation, they may also prioritize cooking over personal hygiene. This means they will use the water they collect for cooking rather than bathing or practising other forms of personal cleanliness. This can lead to dehydration and nutritional deficiencies among women and girls, affecting their overall health and well-being.

Being a limited resource worsened by climate change, water scarcity also leads to tensions within communities, and these erupt into conflicts if left unchecked (Peña-Ramos et al. 2022). Many countries in Sub-Saharan Africa face water scarcity-related tensions between different user groups due to factors such as erratic rainfall patterns (Filho et al. 2022), population growth (Huang et al. 2021), and increased demand from agriculture (Vallino et al. 2020), industry (Sánchez et al. 2020), and urbanization (Abraha et al. 2022). When conflicts erupt, they aggravate existing gender inequalities and increase the risk of gender-based violence against women and girls who are often at the frontline of water collection activities (Logie et al. 2022).

Addressing water scarcity requires considering the specific needs and vulnerabilities of women and implementing strategies that ensure their access to safe water, sanitation, and healthcare services. This not only promotes gender equality but also contributes to improving overall public health outcomes. Considering the unequal burden of water access, it is regrettable that women are typically excluded from the decision-making process regarding how these services are managed (Adams et al. 2018). The inability of women to lead or otherwise meaningfully participate in water access governance can have significant implications for the success of community-based management models that are prevalent in many LMICs (Hutchings et al. 2015).

In Zambia, many non-governmental organizations drill and install boreholes in rural areas as a strategy of addressing water scarcity and improving access to safe drinking water. Boreholes, which are narrow shafts drilled into the ground to access groundwater, can provide a reliable and sustainable water source for communities, particularly in areas where surface water is scarce or contaminated. While drilling boreholes has significant benefits, challenges remain particularly with sustainability. It is estimated that one-third of water points in rural Sub-Saharan Africa malfunction within five years of installation (Behnke et al. 2017). The continued functioning of community-managed rural water systems largely depends on the capability of local community members through the Water Point Committees (WPCs) to fix malfunctions in the water point (Kelly et al. 2018). While water scarcity is widely studied, the role of empowered women in water access sustainability remains understudied, especially across northern Zambia. The present study breaks new ground, takes a step forward in knowledge, and marks a departure from previous investigations, by delving into a key but neglected research question:

This study, therefore, investigates the socio-cultural, institutional, and structural factors that either facilitate or hinder women's engagement in WPC leadership roles. By extension, the study explores the relationship between women's leadership and the sustainability of water infrastructure, including factors such as maintenance, community participation, equity in water distribution, and adherence to water management protocols. Understanding these dynamics together with barriers and enablers will inform strategies to promote gender-inclusive governance structures and enhance the sustainability of water resources management in rural Zambia.

In terms of freshwater sources, Mbala is just at the eastern edge of Lake Tanganyika, which is the world's second-largest and second-deepest freshwater lake by volume, just after Europe's Lake Baikal (Sterner et al. 2020). Lake Tanganyika is shared by Tanzania to the east, the DRC to the west, Burundi to the northeast, and Zambia to the south. The lake is known for its clear waters, rich biodiversity, and unique fish species, including many endemic cichlids (Ronco et al. 2020). Lake Tanganyika is, therefore, a major geographical feature in the region that provides a vital source of water for local communities. Mbala and its surrounding areas are also characterized by numerous rivers and streams that flow through the landscape. Some of these include the Chambeshi River which traces its source in Masamba, 40 km west of Mbala's central business district. The river flows through the district to Luapula Province where it becomes Lake Bangweulu. Other water bodies include Saise, the longest river in Mbala district, and Lake Chila (GRZ 2022).

Although these waterways contribute to Mbala's hydrology and support freshwater availability, water access across the district, especially in rural areas, has continued to be elusive. Many NGOs have therefore invested in Mbala to support rural water access. Some of these include UNICEF, SNV, SUNTA (USAID), WVI, and Government funds such as TRALAD and CDF. These organizations have therefore tapped into groundwater to complement available surface hydrology by drilling boreholes equipped with Indian Mark II. They have also installed submersible pumps and mechanized the boreholes to ease water access for Mbala communities and institutions equally.

Purposive sampling, a non-probability sampling technique widely used in qualitative research wherein participants are selected based on specific criteria relevant to the research objectives (Achore et al. 2020; Wolo et al. 2020; Adom & Simatele 2022), was adopted in the present study. Unlike random sampling, where every member of the population has an equal chance of being selected (Moghadam et al. 2020), purposive sampling was found suitable for the present study because the research aimed to gather detailed, targeted information from specific groups of individuals who had relevant knowledge and experience in water access and community dynamics. The objectives required selecting participants who were most likely to provide valuable insights into the study's focus areas, including community leadership, household water access, and gender-related empowerment in water supply interventions and the objectives were:

• (i) to target community leaders and collect information about the general characteristics of each community, its economic activities, and available water services;

• (ii) to target household heads to understand household-level water access conditions, wider characteristics, and water access roles and responsibilities in a home; and

• (iii) to measure the empowerment and social inclusion of water supply interventions with a particular focus on gender.

The approach used in this study can, therefore, best be described as criterion-based sampling because participants were selected based on specific characteristics defined by the researchers. Key informants were identified through contacts with local NGOs, particularly World Vision International operating in the Mbala Programme Area, community leaders, and government agencies involved in environmental health.

Regarding sample size, there is no fixed number of interviews that is universally considered robust enough (Dworkin 2012; Libanda 2021). The number of interviews required for research can vary from one study to another depending on things like study objectives, complexity of the research questions, homogeneity of the population being studied, and methodological approach. In the present study, the sample size was guided by the concept of data saturation as originally proposed by Glaser et al. (1968), which was later found useful by Guest et al. (2006) and most recently by Rahimi & Khatooni (2024). The sample size in this study was therefore considered robust enough when new interviews were no longer providing substantially new insights. This resulted in a sample size of n = 122 interviews conducted; specific questions asked are in Supplementary Material, Table SM1.

Ethical considerations were paramount throughout the data collection and overall research process. First, approval was sought and obtained through the Institutional Review Board of the University of Lusaka – Protocol Code PhDEM23222717, and date of approval 29 November 2023. Second, the data collection was designed according to the guidelines of the Declaration of Helsinki which provides detailed guidance on ethically accepted principles for research involving human subjects (WMA 2013). Third, informed consent was obtained from all participants and stringent measures were taken emphasizing confidentiality and voluntary participation. As such, participants were assured of their right to withdraw from the study at any time and that their withdrawal wouldn't have any repercussions. Moreover, efforts were made to minimize any potential discomfort or distress, therefore, all respondents were interviewed while seated comfortably in locations convenient for them which mainly included community centers and their homes. All the interviews were audio-recorded with the respondents' permission to guarantee accuracy in data collection.

The interview protocol consisted of a series of open-ended questions designed to explore respondents' perceptions, experiences, and knowledge regarding women's roles in water resource management. Questions covered topics such as access to water sources, participation in decision-making processes, challenges faced by women in water-related activities, and potential strategies for empowerment.

Regarding analysis, transcripts were first translated from Bemba/Mambwe to English. Where the researchers were unfamiliar with some Mambwe terms, the recruited enumerators helped with translations. To ensure the reliability, validity, and credibility of the findings, data control measures were instituted by closely inspecting the visualization summary provided by mWater. Any responses that did not conform to the original data collected were counter-checked with the recruited enumerators and corrected accordingly. Thematic content analysis was then employed to analyze the data. Transcripts were reviewed multiple times to identify recurring themes, patterns, and useful insights emerging from the participants' narratives.

To quantify levels of empowerment, the Empowerment in WASH Index (EWI) developed by Dickin et al. (2021) was adopted. This comprehensive index comprises of 12 indicators designed to capture detailed information on attitudes, roles, and responsibilities related to WASH at the individual, household, and community levels (Supplementary Material, Table SM2). Each of the 12 indicators is achieved by respondents who meet specific thresholds. The construction of the EWI involves calculating several key components:

• Empowerment ratio (ER): The proportion of respondents achieving at least 75% of the indicators.

• Disempowerment ratio: Calculated as 1 – ER.

• Average level of achievement (LA): The mean achievement level among those who are disempowered.

All calculations were done in R Statistical Programming Language Version 4.1.2 (R Core Team 2021).

The demographic characteristics of the respondents are stated in Table 1. The total number of respondents that fully responded to the questionnaires was 122. The respondents comprised 4 single and 118 married individuals. The participants consisted of 30 males and 92 females with age ranging from 18 to 70 years. Furthermore, 80 were bean farmers and 26 were maize farmers.

A further breakdown of these demographics reveals interesting findings. For instance, the gender distribution in the dataset shows that 75.4% of the respondents are female while the remaining 24.6% are male (Table 1). The observed skew toward female respondents reflects the often-reported demographics of women being the most involved in water-related activities such as fetching, cooking, and washing in a household (Indarti et al. 2019). Insights gained from this study will, therefore, provide a more nuanced understanding of water-related challenges and opportunities from predominantly a female viewpoint which is critical to addressing the RQ of the study, i.e. How does women's leadership within Water Point Committees influence the sustainability and longevity of water access points in resource-poor communities of Mbala in Zambia? Results will also inform the development of policies and programming interventions designed to improve water services as these processes can benefit from understanding the gender-specific insights contained in this study, thereby ensuring that solutions are tailored to meet the needs of women who are often the primary users and managers of water resources. Recognizing potential diverse viewpoints between genders, the inclusion of 24.6% males guarantees a comprehensive representation of results, thereby unveiling novel findings previously unexplored. While the majority of respondents in water-related studies tend to be women due to their primary involvement in tasks such as fetching water, cooking, and washing, it was equally important to include male respondents in the study. In many communities, men traditionally occupy the role of head of the household, which gives them significant authority over household decisions, including those related to water management. By interviewing men, the study seeks to gain insights into their views and attitudes about water use, distribution of responsibilities, and their influence on women's roles in water collection.

Men's perspectives are crucial because their influence on decision-making processes can directly or indirectly affect how water-related tasks are managed within households. Understanding their views provides a broader understanding of gender dynamics in water access and management. In many cases, men may play a role in allocating resources, supporting infrastructure, or participating in community-level decisions about water points. Including male respondents also helps identify any existing gender-based barriers or support systems that could influence the empowerment of women in water-related tasks. Thus, involving men in the study adds depth to the findings and ensures that the research considers the complex household power dynamics that affect water usage, ensuring a more holistic approach to understanding water access issues.

The age distribution of respondents ranges from 18 to 70 years, with a mean age of ∼36.4 years (Table 1). Overall, the dataset shows 25 years at the 25th percentile, a median of 33 years, and 44.3 years at the 75th percentile. The largest age group is in the range of 23–34 years, accounting for nearly 50% of the participants. This age group is typically considered to be in the prime of their working and family-raising years (International Labour Organization 2020), suggesting that the survey captured much of the insights expected from individuals actively involved in socioeconomic activities at the household level. The relatively high representation of respondents with over 50 years also provides a perspective from older adults who might have different water-related experiences and challenges drawn from many years of experience. The overall age distribution in this study, therefore, helps to highlight the unique challenges and priorities faced by different age groups. For instance, younger adults such as those in the 23–34 years range may prioritise water access and convenience due to their active lifestyles and responsibilities. In contrast, older adults such as those over 50 years might prioritize reliability of the water resource, especially as it relates to water quality due to health implications, considering potential age-related health concerns (Lee et al. 2020; Kumar et al. 2022). This perspective can be explained by the Life Course Theory (Elder 1994), a sociological framework that explores how chronological age, relationships, and social change shape people's lives. It, therefore, highlights how individuals' priorities change throughout their lives, influencing their behaviors, preferences, and needs (Hutchison 2011). Understanding age-specific needs as shown in the present work is therefore crucial for designing inclusive water programs that cater to all community members.

Marital status is another important demographic characteristic that was explored in this study. Overall, the majority of the respondents, accounting for 96.7%, were married and only a meagre 3.3% were single. The high percentage of married participants suggests that findings from this study primarily covered households where family and communal dynamics play a significant role in the day-to-day activities and decision-making processes related to water access. The size of each household was also explored because households with more children tend to have a higher demand for water and facilities thereof (Immurana et al. 2024). Results indicate that a significant majority (69.7%) of respondents have between 1 and 5 children, while a smaller yet notable portion (25.4%) have between 6 and 10 children. Only a few respondents have no children (2.5%) or >10 children (2.5%).

The observed distribution of WAPs across Mbala's rural communities has significant implications for longevity, sustainability, and long-term water security with variations from one WAP to the other. For instance, the heavy reliance on hand-pump boreholes highlights the need for regular maintenance and management to prevent breakdowns and ensure continuous water supply. By extension, this requires community involvement in maintenance and training of local technicians to enhance sustainability. While boreholes generally provide safer water than surface sources (Boadi et al. 2020), the risk of contamination remains (Okhuebor 2020). Implementing regular water quality testing and protective measures around borehole sites is crucial.

Regarding hand-dug wells, their prevalence suggests that at least a quarter of Mbala's rural community is at risk of water-related diseases such as typhoid and diarrheal because hand-dug wells are susceptible to contamination from surface runoff and surrounding activities. It is estimated that these wells of death (Ayeni 2023) contribute to over 1 million deaths across the globe due to unsafe water (Mohamed & Kitwana 2018). Unlike boreholes, hand-dug wells often rely on shallow aquifers which tend to dry up during dry spells or get completely depleted when overused. Similar to hand-dug wells, continued reliance on surface water poses serious health risks due to the high likelihood of contamination. Alternative sources of water or sustainable water management practices such as conservation remain necessary.

The relatively low percentage of households with piped water suggests a need for significant infrastructure investment. Expanding piped water networks can improve access and reduce reliance on less safe sources. Ensuring operational sustainability of piped water systems requires reliable energy sources, regular maintenance, and community involvement in managing water supply systems. Piped communal water points require effective community management to ensure equitable access and maintenance. Establishing or reviving WPCs and training local leaders is crucial for the sustainable management of WAPs.

Regarding surface water, continued reliance on it poses serious health risks due to the high likelihood of contamination similar to hand-dug wells. Immediate interventions are needed to provide safer alternatives and educate communities about the dangers of using untreated surface water.

Taken together, these results suggest that the current distribution of drinking water sources in Mbala's rural communities underscores the need for targeted interventions to enhance the sustainability of WAPs. By addressing the specific challenges associated with each type of WAP and promoting integrated and community-centered approaches, stakeholders can ensure reliable and safe water access for all residents. Interventions that immediately seem to be lacking include (i) implementation of integrated water resources management (IWRM) approaches that factor in the interactions between the different water points, land use, and community needs; (ii) lack of capacity for local communities to carry out maintenance of WAPs; (iii) weak policies and governance structures – strengthening local water governance structures and policies to support sustainable water use, infrastructure development, and resource allocation is essential.

Responses from the survey participants provide compelling insights that challenge conventional narratives about women's roles in water resource management. Here are the key takeaway themes from the respondents' feedback:

Figure 4 shows the ratio of disempowered men and women who do not achieve 75% on the indicators. The figure further shows all the indicators used in this research and their output. The indicators also show which one of them contributed more to the disempowerment than the other. The analysis of EWI indicators shown here reveals critical insights into the factors contributing to respondents' disempowerment. The dominant contributors include group membership, control over household goods, work balance, and leadership in water implementation. These findings reinforce earlier observations, emphasizing that active involvement in WPCs is the crucial missing link essential for the sustainability of WAPs. The frequent breakdown of WAPs, occurring every 2 weeks on average, underscores the urgency of addressing these empowerment gaps. At the time of data collection, ∼26% of the WAPs were non-functional. Key findings from the survey responses reveal the underlying challenges:

• (i) Contribution to repairs: When asked if every member of the WPCs contributes money toward repairs, 50.7% of respondents answered ‘No.’

• (ii) Reason for non-repairs: Over 50% of the respondents indicated that broken-down WAPs were not being repaired because ‘…there is no money.’

• (iii) Functionality of WPCs: When asked if their WPC is currently functional, 53% of respondents said ‘No.’

The findings in this study have critical implications for both water practice and policy across rural Zambia and beyond. They primarily underscore the need to promote community engagement to discuss WAP management and mobilize resources for maintenance and repairs. Focusing on the economic aspects of WAP sustainability, including strategies to enhance financial contributions from community members is invaluable.

While this study provides invaluable insights into the sustainability of WAPs and the dynamics of community engagement in Mbala's rural communities, several limitations must be acknowledged. First, the study would have benefited from an Intra-Household Parity assessment which can be achieved using the Intra-Household Parity Index (IHPI) wherein a household is considered to lack parity if the least empowered member is both disempowered and has a generally higher percentage of unachieved indicators compared to the highest empowered member of the same household.

Furthermore, this study provides new pathways for future research directions that can include a longitudinal design. The cross-sectional nature of the current study provides a snapshot of the situation at a single point in time. Although respondents were asked about water access challenges in different seasons over the years, there is room for improvement in future research lines to assess if the respondent's views would change in different seasons, thus accounting for changes over time or the potential impact of seasonal variations on water access and community engagement.

Reflecting on the initial research question, it is now possible to state that the sustainability of WAPs in Mbala's rural communities hinges on addressing the multifaceted dimensions of disempowerment identified through the novel EWI indicators. By focusing on increasing active involvement in WPCs and addressing key areas of disempowerment, stakeholders can significantly enhance the resilience and functionality of WAPs, ensuring reliable water access for all community members. Furthermore, the survey responses provide a nuanced understanding of the challenges faced in maintaining sustainable WAPs. By shifting the focus from women's disempowerment to broader community engagement and financial commitment, policymakers and practitioners can develop more effective strategies to ensure the sustainability of water resources in Mbala's rural communities.

The work embodied herein would not have been possible without the residents of Mbala's rural communities who participated in our surveys and interviews. Your willingness to share your experiences and insights was invaluable to the research. Enumerators including Mr Sinkamba Gideon, Ms Sarahan Mussa, and Mr Pasha Kapelele are appreciated for supporting the data collection. The authors are also immensely grateful to the editor and the peer reviewers whose comments helped to shape this work.

All relevant data are included in the paper or its Supplementary Information.

The authors declare there is no conflict.